Jurgen Buchenau

MICHAEL BENTLEY, ed. Companion to Historiography. London and New York: Roudedge, 1997. Pp. xvii,997. $150.00 (us). Reviewed by Simon HornblowerJEREMY BLACK. Maps and History: Constructing Images of the Past. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997. Pp. 267. $35.00 (us). Reviewed by John A. AgnewGANG DENG. Chinese Maritime Activities and Socioeconomic Development, c. 2100 BC–1900AD. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1997.

... The controversial symbolic legacy of the Wars of Independence studied by Covert and Workman was due, at least in part, to the intense ... Historian Arturo Miguel Ramos analyzes history textbooks during the last two decades of the Porfirian dictatorship and the first two years of ...

ABSTRACT The published version of his Habilitationsschrift, Stefan Rinke's ambitious study analyzes Chilean views of U.S. cultural influence across almost an entire century. In English, its title would be "Encounters with the Yankee: North Americanization and Socio-cultural Change in Chile, 1898-1990." The author particularly emphasizes the first three decades, which he calls the "transnational phase," and the phase of new globalization since approximately 1970. Rinke shows convincingly that the United States came to represent modernity for most Chileans during the transnational phase. After World War I, U.S. companies took advantage of the absence of European competition to push their products onto the Chilean market, where they became synonymous with material progress. At the same time, human connections increased in the form of visitors as well as U.S. white-collar employees in the mines. As the author demonstrates, Chileans hybridized and contested U.S. culture in the contact zone that they inhabited. U.S. cultural imperialism met with staunch resistance among conservative Chileans, who believed that U.S. culture represented moral decline. After the onset of the Great Depression, Chileans also witnessed the adverse consequences of close economic ties with an industrial power. As a result, the decades following the transnational phase witnessed an attempt to limit the dependence of the Chilean economy and culture on the United States and other industrial nations. Even as the socialist regime of Salvador Allende highlighted the culmination of this attempt at greater economic and cultural independence in the period 1970-1973, however, Chileans found themselves more intimately engaged with U.S. culture than during the transnational phase. Factors contributing to these closer cultural relations include the advent of mass communications, the sending of U.S. economic assistance workers, and particularly the rise of popular culture on a massive scale. The bloody coup of General Augusto Pinochet in September 1973 not only ended Chile's experiment in socialism, but it also accelerated this process of ever-closer cultural relations between Chileans and North Americans, even as Pinochet displayed a strident nationalism, in part to paper over the differences between his political system and that of the United States (not to mention to make his people forget about the assistance his regime had received from Washington). For example, he once justified his own military regime by saying "nosotros somos distintos a los Estados Unidos. Nosotros somos latinos y ellos anglosajones" (p. 569). United States influence hence crept into all aspects of Chilean politics by defining what was "Chilean" and what was "foreign." Because of the nature of the topic, as well as the length of the period studied by the author, the book primarily draws on published primary sources such as newspapers, journals, and pamphlets. However, Rinke has also done exhaustive research in Chilean and U.S. archives. Perhaps the only other repository the author might have considered visiting is the British National Archives, as the holdings of the Foreign Office offer fascinating commentary on U.S. cultural expansion and its Latin American reception. This book represents the new international history at its very best, demonstrating cultural interplay across many levels in an unequal relationship. Rinke's detailed study successfully shifts attention from the state-to-state level to individual, corporate, and institutional actors, revealing the contact zones in which U.S. and Chilean culture interacted. It is to be hoped that it will be available in English and/or Spanish very soon, as it deserves a wide audience.

... Page 4. SYLVANUS G. MORLEY (1883-194-8) was the most influential Mayan archae-ologist of his generation and arguably the greatest American spy of World War I. This intriguing book describes how Morley volunteered his services to the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). ...

ABSTRACT Hispanic American Historical Review 80.3 (2000) 638-639 This study analyzes U.S. Secretary of State William J. Bryan's Latin America policy from 1913 to 1915, a period in which the Woodrow Wilson administration confronted the Mexican Revolution, as well as civil wars in Haiti, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic. Influenced by Arthur S. Link, Dietl portrays Bryan as the key architect of the initial "idealist phase" of Wilsonian diplomacy. In contrast to the "Dollar Diplomacy" that preceded this period, Dietl argues, Bryan and Wilson elevated the ideal of fostering representative government in Latin America to a key, although not exclusive, position in the formulation of U.S. policy. According to Dietl, although limited in the quest of this ideal by the perceived strategic imperatives of the Monroe Doctrine, Bryan's Latin America policy amounted to an international version of Midwestern populism. Rooted in isolationism as well as a deep-seated fear of Eastern financial circles, it sought to limit European influence in Latin America as well as U.S. intervention on behalf of big business. Dietl contends that Bryan's resignation as Secretary of State in 1915 allowed the Anglophile and pro-business wing of the Democratic Party to prevail. Soon thereafter, Robert Lansing's Department of State reversed course and embroiled the United States in a series of costly conflicts throughout the globe. In effect, Dietl claims, the Bryan years constituted a hiatus in an era marked by the aggressive defense of U.S. economic interests in Latin America. Dietl begins his argument in four introductory chapters devoted to Bryan's opposition to the War of 1898, his anti-imperialist candidacy for president, his advocacy of international arbitration of disputes, and his role in the Wilson administration. The following chapters discuss these four case studies of Bryan's foreign policy in Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Mexico. The treatment of the first three of these cases remains brief, while Dietl's analysis of U.S. intervention in the Mexican Revolution takes up a third of the book. The final chapter focuses on Bryan's isolationist position toward World War I. This book leaves much to be desired. While Dietl argues persuasively that Bryan attempted to serve as an apostle of peace, his own examples demonstrate that isolationist intentions all too often translated into interventionist actions. It was the Wilson-Bryan tandem that sought to teach Latin Americans "how to elect good men," and this team was at least as ready to use force as the preceding Taft administration. Not surprisingly, two of the most ignominious example of U.S. imperialism in Latin America -- the occupation of Veracruz and the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty that destroyed the Central American treaty system -- occurred under Bryan's watch. Dietl's argument that these numbers forestalled even more aggressive policies appears a feeble attempt to defend Bryan. Moreover, the book provides an overabundance of background information that proves tedious to the specialist and confusing to the lay reader. Concerned primarily with U.S. diplomacy, it does not yield any new insights on Latin American responses to Bryan's policies. Finally, a myriad of minor factual and spelling errors concerning Latin American leaders and historical processes create the impression that Dietl did not carefully consider the impact of Bryan's policies on those most affected by them -- the governments and people of the Latin American countries. In sum, this book adds to our understanding of the complexity of the formulation of U.S. foreign policy during the early twentieth century. However, it fails to draw the inevitable conclusion from the material it presents: that Bryan's Quixotic quest to substitute political principle for dollars and bullets did not slow U.S. interventionism. While this book should prove interesting to historians of Wilsonian diplomacy, it adds little to our understanding of the presence of el coloso del norte in Latin America. JÜRGEN BUCHENAU, University of North Carolina, Charlotte...

... Capitalism in Latin America—Thomas F. O'Brien, University of Houston Tangled Destinies: Latin America and the United States—Don Coerver, Texas Christian ... The manuscript also benefited from critical readings by Bill Beezley, Carol Hartley, Tim Henderson, and Victor Macias ...

... Three people have helped continuously over the years—Ebba Schoon-over, Ralph Lee Woodward, and Walter LaFeber. ... Without the support of the National Endowment for the Humanities, the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the Fritz Thyssen Foundation ...

... Page 6. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Paz Salinas, Maria Emilia. Strategy, Security and Spies: Mexico and the US as allies in World War II / Maria Emilia Paz. p. cm. ... Page 12. x Acknowledgments State Press and particularly Cathy Thatcher. ...

... Among my colleagues and friends from whose advice I have benefited, I would like to mention Alma Guerrero, Tim Henderson, Martin Medina ... AAB AEMG AEMW AGCA AGN AHSRE AMAE APEC-FT APEC-PEC AVC CESU CHLA CPD DDCAG DDM OF DICA DIM FI-EPG FRUS ...